Sunday, 11 December, 2005  


Should democratization of Myanmar be hastily implemented?

The West bloc and the anti-government elements at home and abroad are demanding for a hasty democratization of Myanmar saying that delaying tactics was employed.

On 10 October this year, the Malaysian Foreign Minister on his return from Myanmar told journalists that the Myanmar Government had been cautiously taking steps in democratization process as it could encounter a similar fate of Iraq if the work is hastily done. According to BBC, Razali Ismail said Myanmar was not like Iraq and democratization should be carried out speedily.

The modern scientific political economy said that in a nation (a society) a new system could not be introduced at will; it could be made possible gradually after taking into consideration and dealing with the economic life one had passed through.

The parliamentary democracy which came into being with the regaining of national independence in 1948 lasted only 14 years and it ground to a halt. In connection with this, Dr Gannavaral remarked that according to the experiences of the democracy nations that came into being in the eastern, central and southern Europe, the democratization led them to dictatorship due to lack of political maturity.

The Union of Burma in 1948 was founded not because it had possessed productive forces. It was because the British imperialists had introduced the direct copy democracy in their colonies since they had to concentrate on putting their own house in order as they were devastated during the war. Since they were not in a position to take care of the colonies, they granted independence to the latter.

As a British colony, Myanmar had no chance to develop market economy, so productive forces of national entrepreneurs had not developed as much as they should. Moreover, the insignificant amount of productive forces were destroyed due to the Second World War and the fascist rule. So, it was a nation of poor and backward people producing raw materials based on agriculture and of junior capitalists.

Because of this kind of social class, there broke out multi-coloured insurrection about four months after regaining independence triggered by the influence of the leftist utopian opportunist socialists and because of anti-capitalist tendencies and the drive for democratization.

Lacking material requirements, the AFPFL government and the AFPFL itself split badly and were brought to an end.

In this connection, the-then Prime Minister U Nu himself admitted that although they had been able to set the people free from the sufferings that befell them for many years and lay the first foundation of the new administration for the people to be able to live independently and stand tall in the world, they could not manage to complete the building, adding that they were in no position to make the people the length and breadth of the nation accept the new system with trust.

He went on to admit that leave alone the people, even the leadership themselves involved in the administration were unable to act in words and deeds virtuously. The nation was pushed to the brink of the abyss and the foundation of the Union was almost shattered due to the conceit, greed and the thirst for power of the senior and junior leaders.

He said they had misused the government's economic policy for the continued existence of the party and the well-being of the followers and henchmen of the leaders.

Concerning the external interference in the affairs of the country, U Nu disclosed in the Pyithu Hluttaw session on 25 September 1957 that if one looked at the whole Union one would see external attempts to raise minions among the national races employing different methods. He noted that similar attempts were quite common among the students, business world, government employees and political circles.

He added that the reason of raising the minions in all possible countries in the world was that the masters were going to get them carry out their orders in the respective countries. The external elements tried to keep their henchmen even in the government circles. Once there were their men in the government circles, the aliens would exploit the situation militarily, politically and economically with the use of government authority in the countries concerned. If they could not raise such followers in the government circles, they would do so in the opposition parties. By so doing they would try to prevent the government from siding economically, politically or militarily with their enemy countries. In the meantime, he said, they would help the henchmen to grasp every opportunity to topple the ruling government and seize power.

He went on to deal with the external masters. He said although they tried to raise henchmen at every opportunity in other countries, they would ruthlessly crush the similar minions in their countries raised by outside elements. Moreover, they launched propaganda war to see that the people disgusted such persons. He reminded the people of the Union to realize the situation.

Although the former prime minister U Nu openly criticized the eaxternal interference in the internal affairs, he himself got entangled with the foreign interference in a later period.

Facts stated above explain the fall of the parliamentary democracy of 1948.

Now over 50 years have passed. To what extent are the interferences and suppressions of the neo-colonialists in the internal affairs and raising of minions in the political world today?

Things are no better, but even worse. The neo-colonialists are bolder and are more blatant than their predecessors in their acts of aggression, applying pressure and raising minions. It seems no end to describe their acts.

In brief, the neo-colonialists call for toppling of dictatorship and democratization describing the work to be the cause for democracy and independence. They judge a government considering whether it is an elected one or a civilian one, in disregard of what it has accomplished economically, politically and socially. If a government they do not support comes to power and if it is not elected one or if it is a military one, they would brand it a dictatorship, a tyrant or a country run by miscreants. So saying they would invade the country with the use of force, the way they have done to Iraq. They would openly encourage and support any acts of terrorism targeting a government in their disfavour, describing the destructionists to be democracy activists or freedom fighters.

They would raise the fugitives and runaways and make them launch activities from outside the country against the governments concerned in order to get the international community to misunderstand the ruling government. In the process, they secure places in the UN agencies and the labour unions for such elements who, in turn, get such organizations criticized the governments concerned.

The neo-colonialists offer financial assistance, titles and honours to the anti-government elements inside and outside the country thereby trying to impress those at home and abroad. Radio stations like RFA and DVB of expatriates led by Sein Win broadcast anti-government programmes replete with all kinds of falsehood and exaggerations.
They are inciting unrest in the country. They cause economic hardships by imposing sanctions on the country. They are waging propaganda war with intent to make the people believe that economic problems that have been in existence due to the historical background and the evil legacy as blunders of the present government. This is way they are trying to make the people misunderstand and hate the government. Basically, they intend to bring down the present government and instal their lackeys to power; they make this seem in the eyes of the public as democracy and freedom movement.

If one listens to the broadcasts of BBC, VOA, RFA and DVB these days, one will hear the programmes critical of the government.

Myanmar experienced the British colonial rule for 123 years. World War II and the fascist rule caused destruction to productive forces. Insurrection broke out in the aftermath of regaining independence. Next came a period of those in power and those without on one side and the entire people on the other. All the parties then came under the leftist extremist socialism. Under the Myanma socialism, market economy and private productive instruments were nationalized in the move to do away with capitalism. For 26 years from 1962 to 1988, Myanmar society remained classless.

In 1988, the Tatmadaw government that assumed the State responsibilities and opened the market economy and allowed formation of political parties. In parallel, social strata were reborn in Myanmar society together with development of productive forces of democracy.

After the 1990 elections, NLD refused to implement the election results through the writing of a constitution and opposed and caused the suspension of the National Convention by demanding a dialogue. It tried unilaterally to be able to rule the nation and the people at will without a constitution but through public riots and people's hardships. It called on the international community not to extend aid, not to invest in the country while discouraging tourists from visiting the country and inviting economic sanctions on the country.

The west bloc neo-colonialist nations that are thirst for governments ready to yield to them strongly and earnestly support the demands for economic sanctions of the anti-government elements at home and abroad. Under the circumstances, rapid development of economic infrastructures for democracy as in the case of the People's Republic of China did not take place. Instead, development towards that end is being hampered and there is slow progress.

This is the objective condition in the country these days.

Usually, an advanced and awakened political party of strict discipline and unity equipped with revolutionary ideology is indispensable for playing the pivotal role in the democratization process.

In 1949, the administrative machinery was reduced to the isolated Yangon government and the chief of staff was thus assigned to the position of the Deputy Prime Minister to cope with the deteriorating situation; when the AFPFL split into two in 1958, the caretaker government led by the chief of staff had to be formed to restore order and hold elections; in 1962 and also in 1988, the ruling governments were in no position to exercise their authority fully and in like manner any other political parties or political forces were unable to take control of the State power; under the circumstances, the Tatmadaw or the Armed Forces had to assume the State responsibilities acting as the Revolutionary Council and the State Law and Order Restoration Council respectively. These incidents served as historical evidences indicating that they are due to lack of an advanced and awakened political party of strict discipline; in other words it was because there was no political party capable of playing a leadership role in the democratization process.

Well, is there any such party in existence at present? Of course not. Why?

After the 1990 elections, there remain 10 political parties after the other parties which did not win any seat in the election were abolished. However, all the parties, except NLD, have not been carrying out any activities. They are just observers while the Tatmadaw and NLD have dealings.

The Tatmadaw addressed the chaotic situation in 1988; ended the centralized economic system and the single party system as desired by the people; and introduced the market economy and multi-party system. The NLD, however, sees such nation-building endeavours differently. It regards them to be a military takeover and the crushing of democracy movement.

The Tatmadaw government has been implementing the 12 political, economic and social objectives. In the process, it is practicising market economy to build economic democracy. At the same time, it has held elections and convened the National Convention to write the State Constitution to pave the way for political democracy. It is also engaged in providing higher standard of education and better health, smooth communications and urban and rural development. All these constructive efforts are seen by NLD from negative point of view. NLD sees the Tatmadaw government as a dictatorial government. Right from the beginning NLD has taken the confrontational course and carried out anti-Tatmadaw activities accepting them as the democracy movement.

After the 1990 elections, NLD opposed the drafting of the constitution and caused the suspension of the National Convention by calling for a dialogue. It clings to the wrong attitude that democracy would be achieved after the downfall of the dictatorship, that democracy is the birthright and so it can be practised equally anywhere. It accepts the direct copy of the democracy and advocates political changes to be made in the first step for the economic development. In an attempt to seize power through public unrest, it has conspired plots to get the nation and the people in economic downturn by prompting economic sanctions and at the same time it has persuaded the international circles to put pressure on Myanmar to isolate her by preventing her entry into the ASEAN and later to get her expulsion from the regional grouping. It has regarded such acts to be its programme to achieve democracy.

After regaining independence in 1948, the ruling party alone was not in a position to address the political crises in 1949 and 1958; so the Tatmadaw had to cooperate and helped it overcome them.

The political parties in power were unable to keep the situations under control in 1962 and 1988 and opposition parties also were unable to take over power and control the situation; under the circumstances the Tatmadaw had to intervene and control the situation.

In view of the fact that the required productive forces for democracy at present are weak in quality and quantity, and that a political party or a political force capable of doing the democratization job and maintaining it is not in existence, the point, for the Tatmadaw to be able to participate in the national political leadership role of the State, was included to be discussed at the National Convention in 1993.

This point, according to the prevailing conditions, is essential to realize the aim of building a peaceful, modern, developed and discipline-flourishing nation.

However, NLD and anti-government elements inside and outside the country have opposed this regarding it to be an attempt to prolong the dictatorship. Similarly, the neo-colonialists see the Tatmadaw's participation in the leadership role will serve as a stumbling block in their scheme to install a puppet government in the country and so they join hands with the anti-government elements.

The anti-government conspirators have come to realize that their hopes for seizing power through public riots are wearing thin day by day. Hence, they are demanding the handover of power to NLD in the absence of a constitution and the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners. They are moving about in the world to incite the international circles to put pressure on the government and send Myanmar's internal affairs to the United Nations Security Council.

Quite a large number of national race groups who have made peace with the government wish to carry on working together with the government for the economic, political and social progress of their own national race groups while upholding non-disintegration of the Union and national reconsolidation,

Hence, the actual requirement at present is to achieve a general consensus at the National Convention after thorough and comprehensive deliberations taking sufficient time.

If priority is given to the speedy emergence of a constitution and things are taken lightly, similar flaws as in the 1947 constitution will be included. If so, there will again arise disagreements and conflicts harming national unity.

In Iraq today, the US and associates formed a provisional government under their influence comprising expatriate Shiite Arabs, who opposed Saddan Hussein when he was in power. It was an attempt to mislead the world into believing that the anti-Hussein government was a democratic one.

However, the US action went wrong from the start. Sunni and Shiite Arabs have taken the confrontational course. Sunni-Shiite-Kurd conflict is leading to a civil war before any result is achieved.

It is apparent the Tatmadaw Government has told the Malaysian Foreign Minister that a hasty move for democratization will make the nation follow the example of Iraq taking above points into account.

Hence, those urging or demanding a speedy democratization of the country have not studied the lessons from history, and they have not observed productive forces and the capable political parties required for the democratization process. They have wrongly viewed the Tatmadaw government as a dictatorial one. So, they have blindly demanded the Tatmadaw government to transfer power to the anti-government elements with the belief that if so Myanmar will become a democracy.

According to modern scientific democracy, a helmsman who cannot see rocks in front is not a good helmsman, and a leader is the one who sees the danger well. So, those demanding speedy democratization of the country are like the helmsman who cannot see the danger in front. These demands are made by those lacking leadership qualities.

Author : Kyaw Myint Naing